Ethics and Care-Worker Migration
Cited as one of the most pressing issues of our times, health care worker migration is now occurring at unprecedented rates. In the post-colonial era, as many developing countries began to develop and expand their health services and to educate their citizens to staff them, more educated workers left for wealthier countries, often those of the colonists or ones that shared the colonists’ language and other cultural ties.
Health worker migration has seen more than one phase, and taken on many forms. The transnational flow, however—especially from low and middle-income countries to wealthier ones—has never been higher. Of particular concern is asymmetrical migration – the main focus of this article – because it is skewing the distribution of the global health workforce and contributing to severe shortages in some parts of the world. There are also concerns about health worker distribution between urban and rural areas, between the public and private health care sectors, and among fields of specialization, but these will not be discussed here. Because many so-called “source countries” have higher burdens of disease and suffer from lower health care worker-to-population ratios than do destination countries, asymmetrical migration is deepening health inequities and creating what many have described as a global crisis in health.
This article begins by identifying a range of factors that contribute to the movement of health care workers around the globe, specifically from low and middle-income countries to affluent ones. From there it explores ethical issues that arise concerning the deepening of global health inequalities; the status and treatment of migrant health workers, the implications for their families and communities; and the structure of human health resource planning. There is further consideration of the range of agents who might be said to have responsibilities to address these concerns, and what could be said to ground them. Noted are key efforts made to date as well as ideas for further reform.
Although this article refers to both migrants and emigrants, it is primarily emigrants – those who leave one country and take up residence in another – who are the main concern here. Zusätzlich, the focus will be on nurses and care workers, such as nurse aides and home care aides. These health care workers tend to receive less attention than physicians, yet comprise a substantial share of migrant health care labor, in large part to meet the growing demands and expectations for affordable, quality long-term care services in high income countries. Darüber hinaus, the loss of nurses and other care workers is especially troubling for they tend to be the backbone of primary care in developing countries. This focus also highlights important issues concerning gender equity.
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Care Workers on the Move: Contributing Factors
Global Economic Policy
Colonial Legacies
Immigration Policies
Health Care Policies
The “Choices” of Privileged Families
Care Regimes
Ethical Issues
Health Inequities in Source Countries
Autonomy and Equity for Migrant Care Workers
Social Reproduction and Political Capacity
Responsibilities
Responsibilities of Destination Countries
Responsibilities of Other Agents
Remedies
Political and Institutional Strategies
Compensation for Source Countries
Retention Efforts in Source Countries
Economic Policy Reform
Health Policy Planning for the Long-term and Shared Governance for Health
Practices of “Privileged Responsibility”
Preventive Foresight
Recognition
Solidarity
Abschluss
Referenzen und weiterführende Literatur
1. Care Workers on the Move: Contributing Factors
An. Global Economic Policy
Neo-liberal economic policies may be the greatest contributor to the contemporary movement of health care workers from low and middle to high-income countries. International financial institutions, chiefly the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF), have aimed at making these countries more competitive players in the global marketplace. Their main tools, structural adjustment policies, have in many places led to reductions in health sector (and other) employment. Many people have thus been motivated to seek work in richer nations. Some countries, such as the Philippines and India, have also taken to recruiting and training their own citizens specifically for care work overseas (Yeates 2009). Intent on gaining a share of their remittances, this strategy has become an integral part of their economic development plans.
When asked why they migrate, Philippine-trained nurses, the largest group working abroad, give responses that reflect these background conditions (ILO 2006; Lorenzo, Galvez-Tan, Icamina et al., et al. 2007; Alonso-Garbayo and Maben 2009). They point to high and growing rates of unemployment and feelings of being “underutilized”, even when employed, because their skills often surpass what they can do for patients given the scarcity of available resources. Gleichzeitig, many are “overutilized” where staffing is short. These emigrant nurses identify desires for lower nurse to patient ratios, better working hours, higher salaries, and better opportunities for professional development and their families’ well-being. Some also describe familial pressure: given economic conditions and policies at home, working abroad has come increasingly to be seen as an expected strategy for family survival, even a woman’s duty (Kelly and D’Addario 2008; Nowak 2009). Certain forms of nationalist rhetoric, which I discuss below, may contribute to the pressures brought to bear.
b. Colonial Legacies
Even though the current rates of migration are unprecedented, in no small part due to global economic policy, nurses and other health care workers in many major source countries have long been primed for emigration. Missionary and military involvement in the Philippines, along with targeted foreign policy strategies, began fueling the mobility of Filipino nurses over a century ago (Choy 2003). As part of a broad effort to serve American colonists and military personnel stationed there with “modern” medicine, the Baptist Foreign Mission Society established the first nursing school in the country – the Iloilo Mission Hospital School of Nursing – in 1906. Many nurses were sent to the US for additional training, sponsored by groups like Rockefeller, Daughters of the American Revolution, and the Catholic Scholarship Fund. By the 1920s, efforts were well underway to export “American professionalism, standardization, and efficiency” in nursing education and practice – lauded as “rational, wissenschaftlich, and universalistic” – to the Philippines (Brush 1995, 552). Später, in the wake of World War II, in collaboration with the International Council of Nurses, Rockefeller introduced the Exchange Visitor Program to offer experience in American hospitals for nurses trained abroad, including those from the Philippines. By the mid-1960s, most were moving to jobs in US hospitals.
Since these early days, the numbers leaving have grown exponentially (Cheng 2009). The contemporary surge can be traced to the export-oriented, debt-servicing development strategy established by President Ferdinand Marcos. By the late 1990s, a complex, labor-exporting bureaucracy had emerged. Cultivating this care labor and its export have been government-supported educational institutions that educate and train nurses, chiefly for foreign markets in Saudi Arabia, the US, and the UK. With major capital at stake, some governments have been “only too eager to provide this habitat [my emphasis]” for producing care workers, deemed most valuable as export (Tolentino 1996, 53).
As the example of the Philippines demonstrates, colonial histories figure prominently in the contemporary emigration of care workers. These longstanding “interdependent relationships…established over centuries” (Raghuram 2009, 30) contribute to the global flow of health care workers. In addition to those from the Philippines, Indian nurses now constitute one of the largest groups of emigrant health care workers (Kingma 2006; Khadria 2007; Hawkes, Kolenko, Shockness et al. 2009). Their modern-day migration can trace its roots back to the British Empire’s Colonial Nursing Association (Rafferty 2005).
c. Immigration Policies
Immigration policies also figure into the flow of health care labor across borders to the extent that selective immigration, especially for skilled workers in areas with shortages, is a strategy increasingly used as an instrument of industrial policy under globalization (Ahmad 2005). Health and long-term care industry organizations in high income countries, who regard international recruitment as a way to address shortages and reduce hiring costs and improve retention, In der Tat, often lobby to ease immigration requirements in order to gain access to nurses and other care workers (Buchan, Parkin, and Sochalski 2003; Pittman, Folsam, Bass, et al. 2007).
In diesem Kontext, a for-profit international recruitment industry, involved in a range of activities related to recruitment, testing, credentialing, and immigration has emerged and flourished (Connell and Stillwell 2006; Pittman, Folsam, Bass, et al. 2007). Not only has the size of the industry surged, but so too has the number of countries in which recruiters operate. Many of these countries have high burdens of disease and low nurse-to-population ratios.
d. Health Care Policies
The health care policies and planning failures of governments and other agents operating in the health care arena, especially around cost-containment, also play a role (Pond and McPake 2006). The unprecedented vacancies and turnover rates, and growing trend toward early retirement that characterize nursing and direct care work in the US, Zum Beispiel, are attributable to underinvestment, staffing that is insufficient to support quality patient care, increasing hours, between units, centralized decision-making, inadequate opportunity for continuing education and professional development, poor compensation and benefits, and a pervasive sense of disrespect (Aiken, Clarke, Sloan et al. 2002; Berliner and Ginzberg 2002; Allan and Larsen 2003; Institute of Medicine 2003). The worldwide burgeoning need for long-term care, a sector with especially persistent shortages and poor working conditions, alongside what critics cite as the longstanding absence of coherent long-term care policy, Ist, Zum Beispiel, a major driver of care worker migration. A recent report argues that the unprecedented reliance on migrant care workers around the world is a symptom of inadequate long-term care policy (International Organization for Migration 2010, 7).
e. The “Choices” of Privileged Families
Middle class and more privileged families also arguably contribute, albeit unwittingly, to the emigration of care workers from less well-off parts of the world. As Joan Tronto (2006) suggests, the tendency to understand caring in private terms, das ist, as a matter involving the needs of their loved ones exclusively, has implications for the use of human health resources. Home care provided by emigrant women, Zum Beispiel, is on the rise in many places for those who can afford private help. Seen by the privileged as “[c]heap and flexible, this model is [embraced] to overcome the structural deficiencies of public family care provision [and often, crucially, workplace policies regarding family leave] and strikes a good balance between the conflicting needs of publicly supporting care of the elderly and controlling public expenditure” in privileged parts of the world (Bettio, Simonazzi, and Villa 2006). Trying to do the best they can for their families, often under constraints, families in privileged countries may not consider the implications for those less well off in other parts of the world.
f. Care Regimes
Endlich, countries’ “care regimes” can contribute to the flow of migrant workers. How governments structure provisions for the care of children, the ill and the elderly, including support for family caregivers has implications for the demand of migrant workers. In countries with strong welfare states and provisions for care of the dependent, there appears to be less demand than in countries with weak welfare states. Was mehr ist, even in strong welfare states, the structure of the support seems to matter: where support for the dependent and their caregivers is professionalized, or formalized, there is more demand for migrant workers than where schemes are more informal (Michel 2010).
2. Ethical Issues
An. Health Inequities in Source Countries
The hope of many government officials and other policy makers has been that remittances sent back to source countries by those working abroad will stimulate economic growth and development through investment and business opportunities, increase trade and knowledge transfer, and over time, reduce poverty. While remittances channel billions of dollars in money and other goods, there is little agreement on the overall impact of migration on countries that export workers (Page and Plaza 2006; Connell 2010). Most studies do not separate out health care workers specifically. Those that do make distinctions among work type have found variation by particular profession, Geschlecht, and family circumstance. Evidence suggests that remittances primarily benefit households, often through poverty reduction. In einigen Fällen, migrants remit to invest in community programs and groups, or perhaps businesses. Remittances have also been credited for gains in educational attainment, production increases in sectors like agriculture and manufacturing, and entrepreneurial activity.
Trotzdem, there is an overwhelming consensus that when health workers leave, population health erodes. Recent evidence suggests that the adverse effects of losing health workers are not likely compensated by remittances, for they do not contribute to the development of health systems, care provision, or compensate for economic losses of educated workers (Ball 1996; Brown and Connell 2006; OECD 2008; Packer, Runnels and Labonté 2010). Low income countries’ investment in education and training for health care workers who ultimately leave for other shores, say some critics, reflect a “perverse subsidy” (Mackintosh, Mensah, Henry et al. 2006).
Fifty-seven countries face severe health worker shortages (WHO 2006). These shortages affect both the quantity and the quality of health services available and provided. They worsen inequalities in infant, child and maternal health, vaccine coverage, response capacity for outbreaks and conflict, and mental health care. They lead to striking patient-health care worker ratios (especially in rural and remote areas), hospital, clinic, and program closures, and an increased workload for residing health care workers. Shortages in health personnel are said to be the most critical constraint in achieving the U.N. Millennium Development Goals and the WHO/UNAIDS 3 by 5 Initiative (Chen, Evans, Anand, et al. 2004; Médecins sans Frontières 2007). Es gibt, Natürlich, wide variation among countries when it comes to the impact of health care worker migration, depending upon such factors as size of the country, its geography and demographic make-up, disease burden, stock of trained workers, und so weiter. People in source countries, Jedoch, may get less care than they once did, and it may be given by someone with less education and training than would be the case but for migrations. Außerdem, people who formerly received care may get none at all. In some source countries, the absence of health care workers has caused a “virtual collapse” of health services (Packer, Labonté, and Runnels, 2009, 214). The gap created is often filled within families, as some governments facing under-resourced health care systems cope by “downloading” the work of caring onto women in individual households (Akintola 2004; Wegelin-Schuringa 2006; Harper, Aboderin, and Ruchieva 2008; Makina 2009). The problem is so grave that the Joint Learning Initiative (2004) concluded that the fate of global health and development in the 21st century lies in ensuring the equitable management of human health resources.
There are many ways of capturing what is at stake ethically for the people in source countries whose health care systems are failing. We might say they are harmed because resources are inequitably distributed (Wibulpolprasert and Pengaibon 2003; Dussault and Franceschini 2006), because the equal moral worth of particular groups of people, and in turn, equal opportunity, is denied (Daniels 2008). We might say, sowie, that their welfare interests are threatened. Another view would suggest that global health inequities are morally troubling because deprivations in individuals’ capabilities to function threaten their well-being (Ruger 2006). Following Aristotle’s conception of human flourishing and its contemporary formulation in the “capability approach” of Sen and Nussbaum (Sen 1993), well-being on Ruger’s account is defined as having capabilities to achieve a range of beings and doings, or the freedom to be what we want to be and to do what we want to do.
Although the capabilities approach has not specifically been brought to bear on the problem of health worker migration, other rights-based arguments have played a prominent role. A number of commentators launch critiques of the depletion of source countries’ human health resources based on a human right to health (Gostin 2008; Shah 2010; O’Brien and Gostin 2011), a right ensconced in a number of international declarations including the United Nations Charter, the UN Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), and the WHO Constitution (1948). The necessity of the health workforce to the health system, and in turn, to realizing this asserted right, is recognized in the WHO’s Code of Practice on the International Recruitment of Health Personnel (2010b).
The harm, Endlich, might be explained in terms of structural injustice. Structural injustice
exists when social processes [das ist, social norms and economic structures, institutional rules, incentive structures, and sanctions, decision-making processes, usw] put large categories of persons under a systematic threat of domination or deprivation of the means to develop and exercise their capacities, at the same time as these processes enable others to dominate or have a wider range of opportunities for developing and exercising their capacities.
The ethical concern is not merely that structures constrain. “Rather the injustice consists in the way they constrain and enable,” serving systematically to expand opportunities for the privileged while contracting them for the less well-off (Young 2006, 114).
From a plurality of ethical perspectives, dann, the asymmetrical migration of care workers is deeply problematic.
b. Autonomy and Equity for Migrant Care Workers
The implications—including ethical, social and political, and economic—for migrant care workers are also significant. Here I explore them with an emphasis on autonomy and equity. If we understand autonomy to mean something like being relatively free to choose one’s actions and course in life from a decent set of options, and equity to mean something like the absence of avoidable and unfair inequalities, the picture that emerges is complex and yields no simple conclusions.
Threats to autonomy and equity for migrant care workers come from several sources. Part of the feminization of international migration, women seeking employment in more affluent countries as maids, nannies, nurses, and other care workers, has come to be an especially integral part of the global economy (Ehrenreich and Hochschild 2002; Van Eyck 2005; Kingma 2006; Dumont, Martin, and Spielvogel 2007). Noch, to the extent that the global migration of nurses and other care workers is fueled by “the ideological construction of jobs and tasks in terms of notions of appropriate femininity” and in terms of racial and cultural stereotypes, it raises concerns. The construction of Filipinas for instance as caring, obedient, meticulous workers, “sacrificing heroines” (Schwenken 2008), of Indian women and Caribbean women as naturally warm-hearted and joyful, serves the aims of governments, industry organizations and employers, recruiters, and even family caregivers in the North. Yet it potentially perpetuates stereotypes and constrains the imaginations, opportunities and choices of women and girls.
Emigrants from low and middle-income countries are situated amidst different genres of nationalist rhetoric that support neoliberal economic policies. One form is organized around specific conceptions of national community, compelling labor migrants to organize their conduct around what is beneficial to states’ economies. In der Tat, “the brain drain migrant is a particular subjectivity, forged by the needs of late capitalism.” Her subjectivity becomes “constituted as an assemblage of morality and economic rationality,” within which she “acts in socially appropriate ways not because of force or coercion but [allegedly] Weil [her] choices align with . . . ‘community interests’” (Ilcan, Oliver, and O’Connor 2007, 80). Another variety of nationalist rhetoric emphasizes “the active citizen,” a “reconfigured political identity . . . whose aim is to maximize . . . quality of life . . . by being [an] active agent in the market” (Schild 2007, 181). These rhetorical strategies operate with a caring face, suggesting that labor emigrants, especially women, will enjoy expanded opportunities for choice and prospects for equality. Yet to the extent that they “encourage[e] and cultivat[e] . . . forms of subjectivity that are congruent with capitalism in its latest phase” (199), enforce expectations for individual responsibility for familial well-being and constrain the set of options available, they may thwart autonomy for many emigrants.
Although married women with children who migrate are encouraged, even pressed—by governments, by family members, or by both given conditions at home—to provide from abroad for their families and countries, and are celebrated as “modern heroes”, they are often blamed for such social ills as divorce, poor school performance by children, and teen pregnancy in their home countries (Parreñas 2005). Gender norms, dann, persist and are manipulated, further contributing to the erosion of autonomy and equity.
Most if not all migrant laborers, including those engaged in care work, are subject to “flexibilization,” a “process of self-constitution that correlates with, arises, aus, and resembles a mode of social organization” (Fraser 2009, 129). Its central features are fluidity, provisionality, and a temporal horizon of no long-term. Transnational economic and other structures compel care workers to mobilize, Zum Beispiel, when most say they would rather work at home. Movement to care labor markets in the North may involve taking jobs below the education and skill level of care workers, a practice known as “down-skilling”. There is also the rapid expansion of the informal or “grey” economy, and the tendency under neo-liberal economic policies to define more and more jobs as temporary and unskilled. Inequities may persist under such schemes and choices may be constrained.
Außerdem, although countries often incentivize immigration for some workers, including some categories of care workers, questions of immigration and citizenship are contested. Countries “differentially incorporate” migrants when it comes to immigration and citizenship status (Parreñas 2000; Kofman and Raghuram 2006; Carens 2008). Care workers, especially the “unskilled”, often lack citizenship in the countries where they are employed. They therefore have a limited set of political rights and labor protections (Ball and Piper 2002; Ball 2004; Stasiulis and Bakan 2005; Dauvergne 2009; Bosniak 2009). Access to health and social services may also be diminished or lacking altogether (Meghani and Eckenwiler 2009; Deeb-Sosa and Mendez 2008).
Allgemeiner, like other migrants who describe feelings of dislocation, some emigrant nurses describe the experience of “having a foot here, a foot there, and a foot nowhere” (DiCicco-Bloom 2004, 28) and lacking a sense of belonging (Van Eyck 2004; Sørenson 2005; Hausner 2011). In addition to potential political disenfranchisement and exclusion from labor protections, many live in transnational families and engage in transnational care practices, adjusting to “extended family relations and obligations across space and time” (Baldock 2000, 221; Parreñas 2005). To the extent that selves are relational, das ist, our identities shaped by familial relationships and engagement in the communities and places from which we come (Mackenzie and Stolijar 2000), migration leads not just to a geographic rupture but a “self-rupture” in many instances (Kittay unpublished). In der Tat, these care workers experience a sort of “bi-placement” of identity, enduring the harm of “never feeling oneself as fully here” (Kittay unpublished; Hondagneu-Sotelo 1997).
Darüber hinaus, relations with family members and with their social and political communities may be transformed (Parreñas 2000; Espiritu 2005). They may be improved from the perspective of migrant care workers, or they may be eroded or fractured. In der Tat, these moral harms faced by individuals can at the same time threaten the relationships themselves; they may lead others to “reinterpret our social or moral standing . . . [und] compromise the…bonds we have with them” (Miller 2009, 513).
Research finds that migrant care workers can reap significant benefits. There can be important gains for women in areas like self-trust and confidence, household decision-making and expenditures, as well as in spatial mobility and freedom from restrictive gender norms (McKay 2004; Pessar 2005; Percot 2006). They may advance their “migration project”, das ist, achieve goals they have (albeit under constrained conditions) set for themselves, whether this means contributing to the well-being of their families and themselves at home, or ultimately gaining traction and stability in destination countries. Depending upon a range of factors, many care workers may well be vulnerable, yet become more autonomous and gain greater opportunity.
In Summe, to the extent that migrants decisions to migrate come about because their own countries lack the capacities to support them and their families, and even facilitate their departures, and to the extent that they live and work under conditions that do not just alter but distort their identities, threaten their self-respect, Beziehungen, and political engagement, and that perpetuate their status as lower-paid workers with few options in the global economy, their overall prospects for enhanced autonomy and equity are highly unclear (Abraham 2004; Connell and Voigt-Graf 2006; Espiritu 2006; Barber 2009; Nowak 2009).
c. Social Reproduction and Political Capacity
As global capital uses particular places for particular forms of reproduction, and care workers are cultivated, extracted, and exported for the global marketplace – their labor revalued, repackaged, and relocated – not only do health care systems and the ill and dependent suffer, but family and community life, even political capacities, face erosion. Given that the care done within families generates public goods, like citizens, and contributes to their development and duration over the course of life, when a country exports care labor, das ist, the women who provide it, it exports capacities for social reproduction (Truong 1996; Parreñas 2000). Most troublingly, to the extent that those with more resources have greater capacities to care—now by importing it—and those who have more resources are further produced and sustained to become more capable citizens, is that the outflow of caregivers may generate profound additional global inequalities in social and political capacity.
3. Responsibilities
Who is responsible for addressing the harms suffered by emigrant care workers, their families and communities, and populations in source countries confronting high disease burdens and worker shortages? The array of agents involved, and therefore candidates for having responsibilities, includes governments in destination as well as source countries, international lending bodies, transnational health care corporations and recruitment agencies, and those who employ emigrant care workers. I begin by considering views on the matter of whether destination countries have obligations to source countries suffering from health inequities, and from there expand to explore what if any responsibilities might be said to exist for these other agents to source countries as well as emigrants.
An. Responsibilities of Destination Countries
A variety of arguments hold that destination countries are not obligated to address health inequities in source countries. One line of thought, which assumes that there is something ethically essential about the nation-state, is that although we might have some obligations to the world’s poor, we have duties to prioritize our compatriots (Miller 2004). Another line of argument holds that we have duties not to interfere in the affairs of other societies (Rawls 1999). A third view emphasizes distance rather than shared state membership; our moral intuitions, according to this account, suggest that our strongest obligations are to those nearby (Kamm 2004). Endlich, libertarian theorists suggest that we have no obligations save for situations where we have caused harm, which on their account comes in the form of unfairly acquiring goods or resources (Nozick 1974).
Andere, Jedoch, maintain that there are at least negative duties and possibly positive ones to address health inequities and other problems generated or worsened by the asymmetrical migration of health care workers. Some argue that our shared human dignity is sufficient to ground responsibilities for global health equity. We have duties, mit anderen Worten, to prevent suffering when we have the capacity to do so on the basis of our equal moral worth as persons (Singer 1972). Countering the argument that we ought not to interfere in the affairs of other societies, a republican approach holds that freedom should be conceived in terms of non-domination rather than non-interference, and this may generate responsibilities of justice that cross borders (Petit 1997). Luck egalitarian accounts maintain that people should not suffer worse opportunities based on where they come from, so justice demands assistance (Caney 2005).
Arguing from various relational conceptions of justice, some theorists point to the dense relations of interdependence that connect people transnationally to justify principles of justice that transcend the boundaries of states. There are several ways to think about these relations, which are more particular than our shared humanity. According to Onora O’Neill (2000), an agent’s moral obligation encompasses all those people whom his or her activities depend upon, und so, is often global in scope. Thomas Pogge maintains that by “shaping and enforcing the social conditions that foreseeably and avoidably cause the monumental suffering of global poverty, we are harming the global poor …” (2005, 33). Nach dieser Ansicht, our relationship is a matter of being “materially involved” in or “substantially contributing to” upholding the institutions responsible for injustice (2004, 137). Iris Marion Young proposes a third relational approach: a “social connection model of responsibility”. Here “[o]bligations of justice arise between [agents] by virtue of the social [often transnational] processes that connect them” (Young 2006, 102). Relational conceptions of justice, daher, implicate not only destination countries, but also the other agents who contribute through their policies and practices to the global, asymmetrical flow of care workers and the inequities this exacerbates. They also highlight the limits of libertarian and non-interventionist accounts.
The complexity of the processes and relations involved in generating injustice presents challenges when it comes to the work of attributing and assigning responsibilities. Given the way that structures and processes operate, responsibility is diffused, or dispersed. It can therefore be difficult if not impossible to identify a particular perpetrator (Individuell, institutional, or corporate) to whom particular harms might be traced directly. As Young explains, while “structural processes that produce injustice result from the actions of many persons and the policies of many organizations, in most cases it is not possible to trace which specific actions of which specific agents cause which specific parts of the structural processes or their outcomes” (Young 2006, 115). Gleichzeitig, adverse effects are not necessarily intended. In der Tat, structural injustice often occurs as a result of our (individual and institutional) choices and actions as we try to advance our own interests “within given institutional rules and accepted norms” (114).
There is one further line of argument that might be brought to bear here. Responsibility can be motivated by prudential arguments, specifically those that acknowledge global interdependence. Mit anderen Worten, motivated by the idea that negative and positive externalities flow over national boundaries that are increasingly porous, the prudential approach justifies state-based action with transnational implications by affirming our interdependence along with the existence of ‘global public goods’. The idea is “to let international cooperation start ‘at home’, with national policies meant, mindestens, to reduce or avoid altogether negative cross-border spillovers – and preferably to go beyond that to generate positive externalities in the interest of all” (Kaul, Grunberg and Stern 1999). Even, dann, if agents are not motivated by moral reasons, prudence may generate responsible action and policy on the part of destination countries for the sake of source countries (Eckenwiler, Chung, and Straehle 2012).
b. Responsibilities of Other Agents
States are certainly not the sole actors on this moral landscape. Typically in discussions of global justice, including discussions of global health equity, states are assumed to have primary responsibility; das ist, the “most direct and prior obligations” (Ruger 2006, 1001). Noch, states’ limitations are many. Some states do not have the capability to ensure justice. Others may lack the desire. And some states with the desire to be just are rendered more porous by the activities of other agents—what Onora O’Neill calls “networking institutions” (Hier, Zum Beispiel: international lenders, health care corporations and recruiters) operating and exercising power within their borders (O’Neill 2000, 182-185; 2004 246–47). Conceptions of justice, deshalb, must reckon with such agents if they are to have any traction under globalization. Wie bereits erwähnt, relational approaches do, and in turn, assign responsibilities according to such parameters as their scope of power, resources, and degree of contribution to injustice (O’Neill 2000; Young 2006).
As for emigrant and other migrant care workers, the responsibilities of destination countries and those of networking institutions might include reforms in areas such as: recruitment policies and practices; immigration policy; and compensation and working conditions. I discuss these further in the final section.
4. Remedies
An array of interventions and ideas has emerged to try to address at least some of the concerns raised here (Stillwell, Diallo, Zurn et al. 2004; Mensah, Mackintosh and Henry 2005; Packer, Labonté, and Spitzer 2007). They aim variously at responding to health inequities, global health workforce management, and workers’ status and treatment. In the discussion below I focus on efforts underway along with ideas for further reform.
An. Political and Institutional Strategies
Perhaps the most important mechanisms embraced by governments to date are legally binding bilateral or multilateral agreements between source countries or regions and destination countries. These involve agreements for supplies of health professionals from particular countries (specifically those not suffering under low care worker-population ratios and/or high disease burdens) for specified lengths of time to address particular skill shortages. The UK and South Africa, Zum Beispiel, have a bilateral agreement, and some countries within the European Union have multilateral agreements. Recent evidence suggests that state policies can indeed have an impact on health worker migration (Bach 2010). In a related vein, some have called for global resource sharing, including staff sharing programs (Mackey and Liang 2012).
Codes of practice and position statements aimed at protecting the health systems of source countries and ensuring ethical treatment for migrant health workers have also emerged. They emphasize not recruiting from countries with severe shortages and high disease burdens, refraining from unethical recruitment practices, such as deception and misrepresentation, and treating migrant care workers with respect and providing them with labor protections. There are roughly twenty documents developed by governments, including the United Kingdom (UK Department of Health 2004), associations of governments like the Commonwealth Countries (2003) and Pacific Island Countries (Ministers of Health for Pacific Island Countries 2007), along with health professional associations, such as the World Health Organization (2010), the World Federation of Public Health Associations (2005), Academy Health (2008) and the American Public Health Association (Hagopian and Friedman 2006).
While such instruments draw attention to important issues and can raise the level of discourse, a major limit is that they do not address the root causes of migration. They are also voluntary and their impact is difficult to monitor (Buchan, McPake, Mensah, and Rae 2009). Darüber hinaus, the structure and financing of a country’s health system is a significant factor when it comes to their scope. In the UK, Zum Beispiel, which has one major public sector employer and one point of entry for health professionals, a code may have more of an impact than in countries with a wide array of independent private sector health care employers (Buchan, Parkin, and Sochalski 2003; Buchan, McPake, Mensah, and Rae 2009).
b. Compensation for Source Countries
Motivated by compensatory justice, various compensation schemes have been suggested (Agwu and Llewelyn 2009). One model calls for governments of host or destination countries to pay source countries for the investments made in educating health professionals. Alternativ, destination countries could offer funding or other forms of investment for the purpose of capacity building and strengthening health systems in source countries (Mackintosh, Mensah, Henry et al. 2006).
c. Retention Efforts in Source Countries
Perhaps one of the most difficult questions concerns whether health workers have obligations to serve the countries that have provided their education and training (leaving aside countries where export is embedded in economic policy) (Cole 2010; Raustol 2010). Closely tied to this question is the extent to which, wenn überhaupt, Zwang (and what this means precisely) is justified in countries’ policies around health worker migration, particularly retention policies (Eyal and Hurst 2010). Proposals that raise such concerns range from financial and other incentives, where possible, to compulsory service requirements of some specified duration and taxes on migrants (Packer, Labonté, and Spitzer 2007; Masango, Gathu, and Sibandze 2008; Barnighausen and Bloom 2009). Another idea aimed at retaining health care workers is to organize medical school and other health worker curricula in low and middle-income countries around “locally relevant” needs and capacities (Eyal and Hurst 2008). Meanwhile, many source countries are trying to increase training efforts among community and other auxiliary health care workers to fill gaps (Global Health Workforce Alliance 2008).
d. Economic Policy Reform
Global economic policy that shifts to address the constraints that lead to migration faced by care workers in source countries is often the first item on health advocates’ list of reforms. This would mean an end to structural adjustment policies and an investment in health system infrastructure that will staff sufficient numbers and varieties of health care workers, fairly compensate and treat them, and serve the public equitably.
e. Health Policy Planning for the Long-term and Shared Governance for Health
At the country level, specifically in destination countries, long-range planning is clearly essential. When it comes to public health, notes one commentator, “the future is no where in sight” (Graham 2010). In der Tat,
[In] spite of its importance, workforce planning and management have traditionally been viewed as low priority by many countries… supply driven with limited attention afforded to population health needs, service demand factors and social, politisch, geographical, technological and economic factors….[und] carried out in…silos rather than integrated across the various health disciplines/occupations (International Council of Nurses 2006, 10).
Policy makers in such places indisputably have obligations to address these issues for the sake of their own populations. And as has been shown here, many conceptions of justice maintain they also owe it to the poorer nations upon whom they’ve come to rely.
Some might argue for self-sufficiency in human heath resource planning (Mullan, Frehywot and Jolley 2008). This goal seems morally praiseworthy in its quest to avoid unjust relationships between richer and poorer countries. Skepticism as to whether it can be realized given conditions under globalization suggests to many that “shared health governance” ought to become the new model (Ruger 2006, 1001). The precise meaning of this notion is a matter of vitriolic debate; Jedoch, in the most general terms it involves governments and global institutions, along with non-governmental organizations, businesses, und Stiftungen, engaged collaboratively in decision-making processes aimed at meeting the specific needs and addressing the constraints particular countries face. Advocates for shared governance over human health resources point to the fact that some form of this is reflected already in a number of areas, including access to essential medicines, vaccines, and tobacco control (O’Brien and Gostin 2011).
f. Practices of “Privileged Responsibility”
The discussion so far has emphasized states and “networking institutions”, and political-legal-institutional reforms. Some contemporary moral and political philosophers, Jedoch, would maintain that there is a tendency to underestimate the potential of personal interactions and practices among individuals (Walker 1998; Kurasawa 2007). According to Fuyuki Kurasawa, Zum Beispiel, a “formalist bias” that involves understanding global justice as emerging principally through prescriptive or legislative means, overlooks “the social labour and modes of practice that supply the ethical and political soil within which the norms, institutions and procedures of global justice are rooted” (Kurasawa 2007, 6). He identifies five practices: bearing witness, forgiveness, giving aid, Solidarität, and foresight. Such practices may accompany or in some cases facilitate political, legal, wirtschaftlich, and institutional reform.
Here I consider practices that concern the ethical stance people in source countries – especially but not exclusively those who employ them – owe to these emigrants. There are international agreements that call for elements of what I note below, such as the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. I describe three practices, drawing upon Tronto’s concept (2006), of “privileged responsibility”: preventive foresight and solidarity (following Kurasawa), and recognition.
Ich. Preventive Foresight
Tronto’s argument is that the tendency among middle class and more affluent families to understand caring (particularly for children, the ill, and the dependent) in private terms, das ist, as a matter involving the needs of their loved ones exclusively, can lead to moral hazards including social harm. “In a competitive society,” she observes, “what it means to care well for one’s own [Familie] is to make sure that they have a competitive edge against other [families]” (2006, 10). Letzten Endes, those acting with what Tronto describes as “privileged irresponsibility” can “ignore the ways in which their own caring activities continue to perpetuate inequality” (13).
To respond to this and other myopias, individuals and families with resources in wealthy countries might practice “preventive forsesight” (Kurasawa 2007) and plan ahead for their own care needs and think critically about their anticipated use of resources. They might ask themselves for example: To what extent do my/our “expectations” or actual needs have implications for others in need of care? Other families? Other communities? Could I/we plan and act in such a way that might avoid or lessen participation in the perpetuation of injustice?
Ii. Recognition
Another way of taking seriously the moral status and significance of migrant care workers, their work, and the implications of their mobility might be through the practice of recognition. Recognition has come to be understood in at least two senses: recognition of individuals’ unique identity as an autonomous individual and recognition of persons as belonging to particular communities or groups. It also includes a third dimension, the recognition of others’ needs for relationships, both interpersonal and associative (Gould 2007, 250). Recognizing emigrant care workers in this way might enrich appreciation for the fact that many live in transnational families. Zusätzlich, recognizing interdependence could mitigate against ignorance concerning health inequities in source countries. A fourth dimension might be added: recognition of the conditions – the places – in which care workers provide care, including conditions in the places where their numbers are few, the disease burden is high, and available resources scant.
iii. Solidarity
Solidarity, an increasingly examined concept both in health ethics as well as global justice, may have relevance here. Contemporary thinking on solidarity suggests that it involves reaching beyond the scope of one’s community to cultivate ties with others who have suffered injustice across distance and amid asymmetries, and standing together in advancing justice and resisting injustice (Gould 2007; Lenard 2010). Relations of solidarity might be forged, Zum Beispiel, between governments, employers and employees, people with diminished access to health care, migrant workers, and family caregivers and care workers for moral or prudential reasons (Eckenwiler, Chung, and Straehle 2012).
5. Abschluss
Health worker migration is not the main cause of health inequities; noch, it contributes to them and possibly others. So, conditions that facilitate, and the moral agents who participate in facilitating, migration (über alles, asymmetrical) call for moral scrutiny. Zusätzlich, the treatment of emigrant care workers warrants ethical investigation. Policies and practices that undermine values such as autonomy and equity should be seen as morally suspect. Endlich, the state-level and global management of human health resources demands urgent attention. The present structure characterized by a “perverse subsidy”, ongoing underinvestment in health care (often where it is most needed), even in destination countries, and narrowly nationalist thinking threatens justice for populations everywhere, especially the poor.
6. Referenzen und weiterführende Literatur
Abraham, Binumal. 2004. Women nurses and the notion of their “empowerment.” Discussion paper no. 88. Kerala Research Programme on Local Level Development. Thiruvananthapuram: Centre for Development Studies.
Academy Health. 2008. Voluntary Code of Ethical Conduct for the Recruitment of Foreign-Educated Nurses to the United States. Washington, D.C.DC: Academy Health.
Agwu, Kenechukwu and Llewelyn, Megan, on behalf of undergraduates in International Health at UCL. 2009. Compensation for the brain drain from developing countries. Lancet 373 (May 16): 1665-1666.
Ahmad, Omar B. 2005. Managing medical migration from poor countries. British Medical Journal 331: 43-45.
Akin, Linda, Clarke, Sean, and Sloane, Douglas, Sochalski, Julie, and Silber, Jeffrey. 2002. Hospital nurse staffing and patient mortality, nurse burnout and job dissatisfaction. JAMA 288: 1987-93.
Akintola, Olagoke. 2004. A Gendered Analysis of the Burden of Care on Family and Volunteer Caregivers in Uganda and South Africa. Durban: HEARD, University of KwaZulu-Natal.
Allan, Helen, and Larsen, John A. 2003. “We Need Respect”: Experiences of Internationally Recruited Nurses in the UK. London: Royal College of Nursing.
Alonso-Garbayo, Alvaro, and Maben, Jill. 2009. Internationally recruited nurses from India and the Philippines in the United Kingdom: The decision to emigrate. Human Resources for Health 7: 37: 1-11.
Anderson, Barbara and Isaacs, Ein. 2007. Simply not there: The impact of international migration of nurses and midwives—perspectives from Guyana. Journal of Midwifery and Women’s Health 52: 392-7.
Bach, Stephan. 2010. Managed migration? Nurse recruitment and the consequences of state policy. Industrial Relations Journal 41 (3): 249-6.
Baldock, Cora V. 2000. Migrants and their parents: Caregiving from a distance. Journal of Family Issues 21: 205-24.
Ball, Rochelle. 2004. Divergent development, racialised rights: Globalised labour markets and the trade of nurses—the case of the Philippines. Women’s Studies International Forum 27: 119-133.
Ball, Rochelle. 1996. Nation building or dissolution: The globalization of nursing—the case of the Philippines. Pilipinas 27: 67-92.
Ball, Rochelle and Piper, Nicola. 2002. Globalisation and regulation of citizenship: Filipino migrant workers in Japan. Political Geography 21: 1013-34.
Barber, Pauline G. 2009. Border contradictions and the reproduction of gender and class inequalities in Philippine global migration. Paper presented at International Studies Association, New York, New York, 17 February.
Berliner, Howard and Ginzberg, Eli. 2002. Why this hospital nursing shortage is different. JAMA 288: 2742-2744.
Bettio, Francesca, Simonazzi, Annamaria, and Villa, Paola. 2006. Changes in care regimes and female migration: The “care drain” in the Mediterranean. Journal of European Social Policy 16 (3): 271-85.
Bärnighausen, Till and Bloom, David. 2009. Financial incentives for return of service in underserved areas: A systematic review. BMC Health Services Research 9 (86): 1-17.
Bosniak, Linda. 2009. Citizenship, non-citizenship, and the transnationalization of domestic work. In Seyla Benhabib and Judith Resnik, Hrsg. Migrations and Mobilities: Citizenship, Borders, and Gender. New York: New York University Press.
Braun, Richard and Connell, John. 2006. Occupation specific analysis of migration and remittance behaviour: Pacific Island nurses in Australia and New Zealand. Asia-Pacific Viewpoint 47: 133-48.
Brush. Barbara L. 1995. The Rockefeller agenda for American/Philippines nursing relations. Western Journal of Nursing Research 17 (5): 540-55.
Buchan, James, McPake, Barbara, Mensah, Kwado, and Rae, George. 2009. Does a code make a difference? Assessing the English code of practice on international recruitment. Human Resources for Health 7 (33): 1-8.
Buchan, James, Parkin, Tina, and Sochalski, Julie. 2003. International Nurse Mobility: Trends and Policy Implications. Geneva: WHO.
Caney, Simon. 2005. Justice Beyond Borders: A Global Political Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Carens, Joseph. 2008. Live-in domestics, seasonal workers, and others hard to locate on the map of democracy. Journal of Political Philosophy 16: 371-96.
Chatterjee, Patralekha. 2011. Progress patchy on health worker crisis. Lancet 377: 456.
Chen, Lincoln, Evans, Timotheus, Anand, Sudhir, Boufford, Jo Ivey, Braun, Hilary, Chowdhury, Mushtaque, Cueto, Marcus, Dare, Lola, Dussault, Gilles, Elzinga, Gijs Fee, Elisabeth, Habte, Demissie, Hanvoravongchai, Piya, Jacobs, Marian, Kurowski, Christophe, Michael, Sarah, Pablos-Mendez, Ariel, Sewankambo, Nelson, Solimano, Giorgio, Stilwell, Barbara, de Waal, Alex, and Wibulpolprasert, Suwit. 2004. Human resources for health: Overcoming the crisis. Lancet 364: 1984-90.
Cheng, M. 2009. The Philippines’ health worker exodus. Lancet 373: 111-12.
Choy, Catherine C. 2003. Empire of Care: Nursing and Migration in Filipino American History. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
Cole, Phillip. 2010. The right to leave vs. the duty to remain: Health care workers and the ‘brain drain’. In Rebecca S. Shah, ed. The International Migration of Health Workers: Ethik, Rights and Justice. Basingstoke Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 118-129.
Commonwealth Health Ministers. 2003. Commonwealth Code of Practice for the International Recruitment of Health Workers. Adopted at the Pre-WHA Meeting of Commonwealth Health Minsters. Geneva, May 18.
Connell, John. 2010. Migration and the Globalization of Health Care: The Health Worker Exodus? Cheltenha, Vereinigtes Königreich: Edward Elgar.
Connell, John, and Stilwell, Barbara. 2006. Recruiting agencies in the global health care chain. In Christiane Kuptsch, ed. Merchants of Labour. Geneva: ILO, 239-253.
Connell, John and Voigt-Graf, Carmen. 2006. Towards autonomy? Gendered migration in Pacific Island states. In Wallner, Margo, and Bedford, Richard, Hrsg. Migration Happens: Reasons, Effects, Opportunities of Migration in the South Pacific. Vienna: Lit Verlag, 43-62.
Daniels, normannisch. 2008. Just Health: Meeting Health Needs Fairly. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Dauvergne, Katharina. 2009. Globalizing fragmentation: New pressures on women caught in the immigration law-citizenship law dichotomy. In Seyla Benhabib and Judith Resnik, Hrsg. Migrations and Mobilities: Citizenship, Borders, and Gender. New York: New York University Press, 333-355.
Deeb-Sossa, Natalia, and Mendez, Jennifer B. 2008. Enforcing borders in the Nuevo South: Gender and migration in Williamsburg, Virginia and the Research Triangle, North Carolina. Gender and Society 22 (Oktober): 613-38.
DiCicco-Bloom, Barbara. 2004. The racial and gendered experiences of immigrant nurses from Kerala, Indien. Journal of Transcultural Nursing 15: 26-33.
Dumont, Jean-Christophe, Martin, John P., and Spielvogel, Gilles. 2007. Women on the move: The neglected gender dimension of the brain drain. IZA Discussion paper no. 2920. Bonn.
Dumont, Jean-Christophe and Zurn, Pascale. 2007. Immigrant health workers in OECD countries in the broader context of highly skilled migration. In International Migration Outlook. Paris: OECD.
Dussault, Gilles and Franceschini, Maria C. 2006. Not enough there, too many here: Understanding the geographical imbalances in the distribution of the health workforce. Human Resources for Health 4 (12): 1-16.
Eckenwiler, Lisa, Chung, Ryoa and Strahele, Christine. 2012. Global solidarity, migration, and global health inequities. Bioethics 26 (7): 382-390
Ehrenreich, Barbara, and Hochschild, Arlie R., Hrsg. 2002. Global Woman: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy. New York: Henry Holt.
Espiritu, Yen L. 2005. Gender, migration and work: Filippina health care professionals to the United States. Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales 21: 55-75.
Eyal, Nir, and Hurst, Samia. 2008. Brain drain: Is nothing to be done? Journal of Public Health Ethics 1 (2): 180-92.
Eyal, Nir, and Hurst, Samia. 2010. Coercion in the fight against medical brain drain. In Rebecca S. Shah, ed. The International Migration of Health Workers: Ethik, Rights and Justice. Basingstoke Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 137-158.
Fraser, Nancy. 2009. Scales of Justice: Reimagining Political Space in a Globalizing World. New York: Columbia University Press.
Global Health Workforce Alliance. 2008. Scaling Up, Saving Lives. Geneva: WHO.
Gostin, Larry. 2008. The international migration and recruitment of nurses: Human rights and global justice. JAMA 299 (15): 1827-29.
Gould, Carol. 2007. Transnational solidarities. Journal of Social Philosophy 38 (1): 148-64.
Graham, Hilary. 2010. Where is the future in public health? Milbank Quarterly 88 (2): 149-68.
Hagopian, Amy and E. Friedmann, 2006. Ethical Restrictions on International Recruitment of Health Professionals to the US. Washington, Gleichstrom: APHA.
Harper, Sarah, Aboderin, Isabella, and Ruchieva, Iva. 2008. The impact of outmigration on informal family care in Nigeria and Bulgaria. In John Connell, ed., The International Migration of Health Workers. New York: Routledge, 163-71.
Hausner, Sondra L. 2011. Nepali nurses in Great Britain: The paradox of professional belonging. Centre on Migration, Policy and Society Working paper no. 90. Oxford: COMPAS.
Hawkes, Michael, Kolenko, Maria, Shockness, Michelle, and Diwaker, Krishna. 2009. Nursing brain drain from India. Human Resources for Health 7 (5): 1-2.
Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette and Avila, Ernestine. 1997. “I’m here, but I’m not here”: The meanings of Latina transnational motherhood. Gender and Society 11 (5): 548-571.
Ilcan, Suzanne, Oliver, Marcia, and O’Connor, Daniel. 2007. Spaces of governance: Gender and public sector restructuring in Canada. Gender, Place, und Kultur: A Journal of Feminist Geography 14 (1): 75 – 92.
Institute of Medicine. 2003. Keeping Patients Safe: Transforming the Work Environment of Nurses. Washington, D.C.DC: National Academies Press.
International Council of Nurses. 2006. The Global Nursing Shortage: Priority Areas for Intervention. Geneva: ICN.
International Labour Office. 2006. Migration of Health Workers: Country Case Study Philippines. Geneva: ILO.
International Organization for Migration (IOM). 2010. The Role of Migrant Care Workers in Ageing Societies: Report on Research Findings in the United Kingdom, Irland, and the United States. Geneva: IOM.
Joint Learning Initiative. 2004. Human Resources for Health: Overcoming the Crisis. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Kamm, F.M. 2004. The new problem of distance in morality. In Dean Chatterjee, ed. Morality and the Distant Needy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 59-74.
Kaul, Inge, Grunberg, Isabelle and Stern, Marc. 1999. Global Public Goods: International Cooperation in the 21st Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Economy. New York: ILR Press.
Kelly, Philip and D’Addorio, Sylvia. 2008. “Filipinos are very strongly into medical stuff”: Labour market segmentation in Toronto, Canada. In J. Connell, ed., The International Migration of Health Workers. New York: Routledge, 77-98.
Khadria, Binod. 2007. International nurse recruitment in India. Health Services Research 42 (3): 1429-36.
Kingma, Mirielle. 2006. Nurses on the Move: Migration and the Global Health Care Economy. Ithaka: Cornell University Press.
Kittay, Eva Feder. Unpublished manuscript. The body as the place of care. Unpublished manuscript.
Kofman, Eleanor and Raghuram, Pavarti. 2006. Gender and global labour migrations: Incorporating skilled workers. Antipode 38 (2): 282-303.
Kurasawa, Fuyuki. 2007. The Work of Global Justice: Human Rights as Practices. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Lenard, Patti. 2010. What is solidaristic about global solidarity? Contemporary Political Theory 9 (1): 100-110.
Lesser, Anthony. 2010. The right to the free movement of labour. In Rebecca S. Shah, ed. The International Migration of Health Workers: Ethik, Rights and Justice. Basingstoke Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 130-136.
Lorenzo, Fely M.E., Galvez-Tan, Jaime, Icamina, Kriselle, and Javier, Lara. 2007. Nurse migration from a source country perspective: Philippine country case study. Health Services Research 42 (3 Pt 2): 1406-18.
Lynchen, Sharonann, Lethola, Pheello, and Ford, Nathan. 2008. International nurse migration and HIV/AIDS, Antwort. JAMA 300 (9): 1024.
Mackenzie, Catriona and Natalie Stolijar, Hrsg. 2000. Relational Autonomy: Feminist Perspectives on Autonomy, Agency, and the Social Self. New York: Oxford.
Mackey, Timothy and Liang, Bryan. 2012. Rebalancing brain drain: Exploring resource re-allocation to address health worker migration and promote global health. Health Policy 107: 66-73.
Mackintosh, Maureen, Mensah, Kwado, Henry, Leroi, and Rowson, Michael. 2006. Aid, restitution, and fiscal redistribution in health care: Implications of health professionals’ migration. Journal of International Development 18: 757-70.
Makina, Anesu. 2009. Caring for people with HIV: State policies and their dependence on women’s unpaid work. Gender and Development 17 (2): 309-19.
Masango, Sidumo, Gathu, Kamanja, and Sibandze, Sibusiso. 2008. Retention strategies for Swaziland’s health sector workforce: Assessing the role of non-financial incentives. Harare: EQUINET Discussion Paper no. 68.
Matsuno, Ayaka. 2009. Nurse Migration: The Asian perspective. ILO/EU Asian Programme on the Governance of Labour Migration Technical Note.
McKay, Dierdre. 2004. Performing identities, creating cultures of circulation: Filipina migrants between home and abroad. Presented at Asian Studies Association of Australia. Canberra, June 29.
Médecins sans Frontières. 2007. Help Wanted: Confronting the Health Worker Crisis to Expand Access to HIV/AIDS Treatment: MSF Experience in Southern Africa. Johannesburg: MSF.
Meghani, Zahra, and Eckenwiler, Lisa. 2009. Care for the caregivers: Transnational justice and undocumented non-citizen care workers. International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics 2 (1): 77-101.
Mensah, Kwado, Mackintosh, Maureen, and Henry, Leroi. 2005. The Skills Drain of Health Professionals from the Developing World: A Framework for Policy Formation. London: Medact.
Michel, Sonya. 2010. Filling the gaps: Migrants and care work in Europe and North America. Paper presented at ESPA. Budapest.
Müller, David. 2004. National responsibility and international justice. In Dean Chatterjee, ed. Morality and the Distant Needy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 123-143.
Müller, Sarah C. 2009. Moral injury and relational harm: Analyzing rape in Darfur. Journal of Social Philosophy 40 (4): 504-23.
Ministers of Health for Pacific Island Countries. 2007. Pacific Code of Practice for Recruitment of Health Workers. Port Vila, Vanuatu: WHO.
Mullan, Fitzhugh, Frehywot, Seble and Jolley, Laura. 2008. Aging, primary care, and self-sufficiency: Health care workforce challenges ahead. Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 36: 703-8.
Narasinham, Vasant, Braun, Hilary, Pablos-Mendez, Ariel et al. 2004. Responding to the global human resources crisis. Lancet 363: 1469-72.
Nozick, Robert. 1974. Anarchie, Zustand, und Utopie. New York: Grundlegende Bücher.
Nowak, Joanne. 2009. Gendered perceptions of migration among skilled female Ghanian nurses. Gender and Development 17: 269-80.
O’Brien, Paula and Lawrence O. Gostin. 2011. Health Worker Shortages and Global Justice. New York: Milbank Memorial Fund.
O’Neill, Onora. 2000. Bounds of Justice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
O’Neill, Onora. 2004. Global justice: Whose obligations? In D. K. Chatterjee, ed. The Ethics of Assistance: Morality and the Distant Needy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 242-259.
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). 2005. Ensuring Quality Long-term Care for Older People. Paris: OECD.
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) 2008. International mobility of health workers: Interdependency and ethical challenges. In The Looming Crisis in the Health Workforce: How Can OECD Countries Respond? Paris: OECD, 57-74.
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) 2010. International Migration of Health Workers: Improving International Cooperation to Address the Global Health Workforce Crisis. Policy Brief.
Packer, Corrine, Labonté, Ronald, and Runnels, Vivien. 2009. Globalization and the cross-border flow of health workers. In Ronald Labonté, Ted Schrecker, Corrine Packer, and Vivien. Runnels, Hrsg. Globalization and Health: Pathways, Evidence and Policy. New York: Routledge, 213-234.
Packer, Corrine, Labonté, Ronald, and Spitzer, Denise (for the WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health). 2007. Globalization and the Health Worker Crisis. Globalization and Health Knowledge Network Research Papers.
Packer, Corrine, Runnels, Vivien, and Labonté, Ronald. 2010. Does the migration of health workers bring benefits to the countries they leave behind? In Rebecca Shah, ed. The International Migration of Health Workers: Ethik, Rights, and Justice. Basingstoke Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 44-61.
Seite, J., and Plaza, S. 2006. Migration remittances and development: A review of global evidence. Journal of African Economies 2: 245-336.
Parreñas, Rhacel. 2000. 2000. Migrant Filipina domestic workers and the international division of reproductive labour. Gender and Society 14 (4): 560-581.
Parreñas, Rhacel. 2001a. Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration, and Domestic Work. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Parreñas, Rhacel. 2001b. Transgressing the nation state: The partial citizenship and “imagined (global) community” of migrant Filipina domestic workers. Signs 26 (4): 1129-1154.
Parreñas, Rhacel.. 2005. Children of Global Migration: Transnational Families and Gendered Woes. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Percot, Marie. 2006. Indian nurses in the gulf: Two generations of female migration. South Asia Research 26: 41-62.
Pessar, Patricia R. 2005. Women, Gender, and International Migration Across and Beyond the Americas: Inequalities and Limited Empowerment. Expert Group Meeting on International Migration and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean. Population Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Secretariat. Mexico City, 30 November.
Petit, Phillip. 1997. Republikanismus: A Theory of Freedom and Government. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Pogge, Thomas. 2004. Relational conceptions of justice: Responsibilities for health outcomes. In Sudhir Anand, Fabienne Peter, and Amartya Sen, Hrsg. Public Health, Ethik, and Equity. New York: Oxford University Press, 135-162.
Pogge, Thomas. 2005. Real world justice. Journal of Ethics 9: 29-53.
Pittman, Patricia, Folsom, Amanda, Bass, Emily, and Leonhardy, Kathryn. 2007. U.S. Based International Nurse Recruitment: Structure and Practices of a Burgeoning Industry. Washington, D.C.: Academy Health.
Pond, Bob, and McPake, Barbara. 2006. The health migration crisis: The role of four Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development countries. Lancet 367: 1448-55.
Rafferty, Anne Marie. 2005. The seductions of history and the nursing diaspora. Health and History 7 (2): 2-16.
Raghuram, Pavarti. 2009. Caring about ‘brain drain’ migration in a postcolonial world. Geoforum 40: 25-33.
Raustøl, Anne. 2010. Should I stay or should I go? Brain drain and moral duties. In Rebecca S. Shah, ed. The International Migration of Health Workers: Ethik, Rights and Justice. Basingstoke Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 175-188.
Rawls, John. 1999. The Law of Peoples. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Ruger, Jennifer P. 2006. Ethics and governance of heath inequalities. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 60: 998-1002.
Schild, Veronica. 2007. Empowering “consumer-citizens” or governing poor female subjects? The institutionalization of “self-development” in the Chilean social policy field. Journal of Consumer Culture 7 (2): 179-203.
Schwenken, Helen. 2008. Beautiful victims and sacrificing heroines: Exploring the role of gender knowledge in migration policies. Signs 33 (4): 770-6.
Sen, Amartya. 1993. Capability and well-being. In Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum, Hrsg. Quality of Life. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 30-53.
Shah, Rebecca S. 2010. The right to health, state responsibility and global justice. In Rebecca S. Shah, ed. The International Migration of Health Workers: Ethik, Rights and Justice. Basingstoke Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 78-102.
Sänger, Peter. 1972. Famine, affluence, und Moral. Philosophy and Public Affairs 1: 229-243.
Sørenson, Ninna Nyberg. 2005. Narratives of longing, belonging, and caring in the Dominican diaspora. In J. Besson and K. F. Olwig, Hrsg., Caribbean Narratives of Belonging: Fields of Relations, Sites of Identity. Thailand: Macmillan Caribbean.
Stasiulis, Davia and Abigail, Bakan. 2005. Negotiating Citizenship: Migrant Women in Canada and the Global System. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Stilwell, Barbara, Diallo, Khassoum, Zurn, Pascale, Vujicic, Marko, Adams, Orvill, and Dal Poz, Mario. 2004. Migration of health care workers from developing countries: Strategic approaches to its management. Bulletin of the World Health Organization 82: 595-600.
Thomas, Philomena. 2008. Indian nurses: Seeking new shores. In J. Connell, ed., The International Migration of Health Workers. New York: Routledge, 99-109.
Tolentino, Roland B. 1996. Bodies, Buchstaben, catalogs: Filippinas in transnational space. Social Text 48 (Herbst): 49-76.
Tronto, Joan. 2006. Vicious circles of privatized caring. In Maurice E. Hamington, Dorothy C. Müller, Hrsg. Socializing Care. Lanham, MD: Rowman und Littlefield, 3-26.
Truong, Thanh-Dam. 1996. Gender, international migration and social reproduction: Implications for theory, policy, research, and networking. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 5 (1): 27-52.
United Kingdom Department of Health. 2004. Code of Practice of the International Recruitment of Healthcare Professionals. Leeds: UK Department of Health.
UN General Assembly. 1966. Resolution 2200A (XXI), International Covenant on Economic, Soziale, and Cultural Rights. December 16.
Van Eyck, Kim. 2004. Women and International Migration in the Health Sector. Ferney-Voltaire, Frankreich: PSI.
Van Eyck, Kim. 2005. Who Cares? Women Health Workers in the Global Labour Market. Ferney-Voltaire, Frankreich: PSI.
Gehhilfe, Margaret U. 1998. Moral Understandings: A Feminist Study in Ethics. New York: Routledge.
Wegelin-Schuringa, M. 2006. Local responses to HIV/AIDS from a gendered perspective. In Anke Van der Kwaak, and Madaleen Wegelin-Schuringa, Hrsg. Gender and Health: A Global Sourcebook. Amsterdam: Netherlands: KIT Publishers, 79-94.
Wibulpolprasert, Suwit and Pengaibon Paichit. 2003. Integrated strategies to tackle the inequitable distribution of doctors in Thailand: Four decades of experience. Human Resources for Health 1 (12): 1-17.
World Federation of Public Health Associations. 2005. Ethical Restrictions on International Recruitment of Health Professionals from Low-Income Countries. Geneva: World Federations of Public Health Associations.
World Health Organization (WHO). 1948. Constitution of the World Health Organization. Geneva: WHO.
World Health Organization (WHO). 2006. World Health Report 2006: Working Together for Health. Geneva: WHO.
World Health Organization (WHO). 2008. The Global Burden of Disease: 2004 Update. Geneva: WHO.
World Health Organization (WHO). 2010a. Global Atlas of the Health Workforce. Geneva: WHO.
World Health Organization (WHO). 2010b. WHO Global Code of Practice on the International Recruitment of Health Personnel. Geneva: WHO.
Yeates, Nicola. 2009. Production for export: The role of states in the development and operation of global care chains. Population, Raum, and Place 15: 175-87.
Young, Iris M. 2006. Responsibility and global justice: A social connection model. Social Philosophy and Policy 23: 102-30.
Informationen zum Autor
Lisa Eckenwiler
E-Mail: [email protected]
George Mason University
U. S. Ein.